<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8" ?><rss version="2.0" xmlns:tt="http://teletype.in/" xmlns:atom="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/" xmlns:media="http://search.yahoo.com/mrss/"><channel><title>The Quran and Modern Science</title><generator>teletype.in</generator><description><![CDATA[Contributions of Islamic scholars to the scientific
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  <p>Over the last 50 years there has been renewed interest in Islamic countries in examining <strong>the connection</strong> between Islam and science <strong>within the</strong> spectrum of its history. After gaining independence most of the Islamic countries <strong>are</strong> struggling <strong>to return</strong> to terms with their religious beliefs <strong>and also the</strong> Western concepts of science and education. The education systems adopted by <strong>the foremost</strong> of the Islamic countries <strong>are</strong> <strong>supported</strong> ‘so-called secular Western education’. Consequently a cultural dichotomy is observed in their societies between <strong>a standard</strong> Islamic education on the one hand restricted <strong>to non secular</strong> groups, and a secular Western education in main stream schools, colleges and universities. Education is viewed as <strong>a method</strong> of acquiring <strong>knowledge domain</strong> and technology, <strong>so as</strong> to progress economically <strong>within the</strong> <strong>present time</strong>. However, education has unsuccessfully tried to blend Islamic thinking with this Western education system (Al-Faruqi and Nasseef, 1981). <strong>the amount</strong> between the seventh to the fifteenth centuries <strong>is taken into account</strong> <strong>because the</strong> ‘Golden Age of Islamic Civilisation’. During <strong>this era</strong> there was great emphasis on the pursuit <strong>of data</strong>. Consequently <strong>there have been</strong> individuals who lived scholarly and pious lives, <strong>like</strong> Ibn Sina, AlKhwarizmi, and Al-Biruni, who <strong>additionally</strong> to excellence <strong>within the</strong> study <strong>of non secular</strong> texts also excelled in mathematics, geography, astronomy, physics, chemistry, and medicine. At <strong>now</strong> Islam <strong>wasn&#x27;t</strong> just <strong>a group</strong> <strong>of non secular</strong> beliefs, but <strong>a collection</strong> of ideas, ethics and ideals encompassing all aspects of human life. This resulted <strong>within the</strong> establishment of an Islamic civilisation. Thus the motivating force of this civilisation was its Islamic faith (used here both <strong>within the</strong> spiritual and temporal sense) and its language was Arabic (Khettani, 1976). While the progress of <strong>knowledge domain</strong> in Europe languished during the <strong>Dark Ages</strong>, science flourished <strong>within the</strong> Golden Age of Islam. The renaissance that subsequently occurred in Europe <strong>won&#x27;t</strong> have taken place without the contribution of Muslim science <strong>within the</strong> preceding period. This was acknowledged by Sarton (1927, p. 17) who wrote:<br /> From the <strong>half</strong> of the eighth to <strong>the top</strong> of the eleventh century, Arabic was the scientific, the progressive language of mankind. <strong>it&#x27;s</strong> suffice here to evoke <strong>some</strong> glorious names without contemporary equivalents <strong>within the</strong> West: Jabir Ibn Haiyan, alKindi, al-Khwarizmi, al-Farghani, al-Razi, Thabit ibn Qurra, al-Battani, Hunain ibn Ishaq, al-Farabi, Ibrahim ibn Sinan, al-Masudi, al-Tarabi, Abu ibn Wafa, Ali ibn Abbas, Abu-l-Qasim, Ibn al-Jazzar, al-Biruni, Ibn Sina, Ibn Yunus, al-Karkhi, Ibn alHaitham, Ali ibn Isa, al-Ghazzali, al-Zarqali, Omar Khayyam! Many Muslims scholars <strong>within the</strong> Golden Age of Islam studied nature <strong>within the</strong> context of the Quran. The Quran depicted <strong>the link</strong> between nature and man, and this inspired the Muslim scholars <strong>to check</strong> natural phenomena, <strong>so as</strong> <strong>to grasp</strong> God. Islam’s contribution to the scientific enterprise was complex and rich and it spanned over three continents and nearly a millennium <strong>of your time</strong>. ISLAMIC VIEW OF NATURE The Islamic view of nature during the Golden Age was for mankind ‘to study nature <strong>so as</strong> <strong>to get</strong> God and to use nature for the <strong>good thing about</strong> mankind’. Nature <strong>might be</strong> <strong>accustomed</strong> provide food for mankind and its bounty was to be equally distributed among all peoples. All activities that caused harm to mankind and <strong>successively</strong> destroyed nature were forbidden. Destruction of the natural balance was discouraged, <strong>for instance</strong>, unnecessary killing of animals or removal of vegetation might <strong>successively</strong> <strong>cause</strong> starvation <strong>thanks to</strong> lack of food. This view was an extension of <strong>the concept</strong> that ‘man’ had been placed on earth as God’s representative. The Islamic view of nature during the Golden Age had its roots <strong>within the</strong> Quran, the very word of God <strong>and also the</strong> basis of Islam. Muslim scholars at <strong>that point</strong> were inspired <strong>to check</strong> nature <strong>within the</strong> context of the Quran. <strong>the subsequent</strong> passages from the Quran illustrate <strong>the link</strong> between nature and man <strong>and the way</strong> this relationship inspired Muslim scholars <strong>to review</strong> <strong>phenomenon</strong>, <strong>so as</strong> <strong>to grasp</strong> God. <strong>the subsequent</strong> verses also show the way the Quran presents <strong>the entire</strong> universe: We created not the heavens, the earth, <strong>and every one</strong> between them, merely in (idle) sport. We created them not <strong>apart from</strong> just ends: But most of them <strong>don&#x27;t</strong> understand, (Surah AlBaqara 44: 38-39, (Pickthall, 1977)). Behold! <strong>within the</strong> creation of the heavens <strong>and therefore the</strong> earth; <strong>within the</strong> alternation of the night <strong>and also the</strong> day; <strong>within the</strong> sailing of the ships through the ocean for the profit of mankind; <strong>within the</strong> rain which Allah sends down from the skies <strong>and also the</strong> life which He gives therewith to an earth <strong>that&#x27;s</strong> dead; <strong>within the</strong> beasts of <strong>every kind</strong> that He scatters through the earth; <strong>within the</strong> change of the winds <strong>and also the</strong> clouds which they trail like their slaves between the sky <strong>and therefore the</strong> earth; (here) indeed are signs for <strong>people</strong> that are wise, (Surah Ad-Dukham 2: 164, (Pickthall, 1977)). Thus <strong>it absolutely was</strong> concluded that God created <strong>the globe</strong> and placed man in it as trustee, <strong>to learn</strong> from it, to use it wisely and <strong>to grasp</strong> his purpose <strong>within the</strong> universe. Iqbal has emphasised <strong>this time</strong> eloquently as follows: <strong>it&#x27;s</strong> the lot of man to share <strong>within the</strong> deeper aspirations of the universe around him and to shape his own destiny <strong>additionally</strong> as that of the universe, now by putting <strong>the full</strong> of his energy to mould its forces to his own ends and purposes. And <strong>during this</strong> process of progressive change of God becomes a co-worker with him, provided man takes the initiative: ‘Verily God <strong>won&#x27;t</strong> change the condition of men, till <strong>they modify</strong> <strong>what&#x27;s</strong> in themselves (13:11).’ (Iqbal, 1986, p.10) Faruqi 393 Thus mankind was inspired <strong>to review</strong>, understand <strong>and mold</strong> the natural forces for its own purposes. <strong>the purpose</strong> <strong>to notice</strong> <strong>is that the</strong> general empirical attitude of the Quran which engendered in its followers <strong>a sense</strong> of reverence and thus made them founders of an enlightened society (Iqbal, 1986).</p>
  <p>THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF ISLAMIC SCHOLARS The Islamic Empire consisted of a society that was multicultural in terms of languages, customs, traditions and religion. As Muslims went forth from Arabia <strong>to overcome</strong> the countries surrounding them, they encompassed vast lands with peoples <strong>of various</strong> faiths and cultures. Thus the Islamic Empire not only consisted of Muslims from three continents, Arabs, Persians, Turks, Africans, Indians and other Asians, but also Jews, Christians and other faiths. Therefore scholars from all faiths worked under the umbrella of Islam <strong>to supply</strong> <strong>a novel</strong> culture <strong>of data</strong> and learning. <strong>within the</strong> paragraphs that follow each major known field of science <strong>is taken into account</strong> and examined for the contributions made by scholars from the Islamic world. Medicine Muslims gained access to the Greek medical knowledge of Hippocrates, Dioscorides, and Galen through the translations of their works <strong>within the</strong> seventh and eighth centuries. These initiatives by Muslims <strong>may well be</strong> seen <strong>within the</strong> different aspects of the healing arts that were developed. <strong>the interpretation</strong> movement of the twelfth century in Latin Europe affected every known field of science, none more so than medicine (Meyers, 1964). Two Muslim physicians who become known in Europe during <strong>this era</strong> were Ibn Sina (980- 1037) and Al-Razi (865-925). Ibn Sina devoted his life to the study <strong>of medication</strong>, philosophy and other branches of science. Renowned throughout medieval Europe as Avicenna, he established free hospitals and developed treatments for diseases using herbs, hot baths, and even <strong>surgery</strong>. His famous book The Canon <strong>of drugs</strong> was translated into Latin <strong>within the</strong> twelfth century and <strong>it absolutely was</strong> <strong>employed in</strong> medical schools throughout Europe until <strong>the arrival</strong> <strong>of contemporary</strong> science (Beshore, 1998; Meyers, 1964). The Canon <strong>of medication</strong> contained all Greek medical knowledge <strong>along with</strong> Arabic interpretations and contributions. Ibn-Sina wrote some 99 books <strong>managing</strong> philosophy, medicine, geometry, astronomy, theology, philosophy, and art. Ibn-Sina was also known for Kitab al Shifa (Book of Healing), <strong>within which</strong> he divided practical knowledge into ethics, economics, and politics, and theoretical knowledge into mathematics, physics, and metaphysics (Meyers, 1964). Al-Razi, known in Latin as Rhazes, excelled <strong>within the</strong> powers of observations and wrote some 184 works on topics that he studied as a practising doctor. <strong>one in all</strong> Al-Razi’s books, Treatise on Smallpox and Measles, was translated into Latin, then English and other European languages, and “went through forty editions between the fifteenth and nineteenth century” (Turner, 1995, p.135). Furthermore, he established separate wards in hospitals for the <strong>unsound</strong>, thereby creating the means for clinical observations <strong>of those</strong> diseases. Al-Razi also included in his studies ideas involving human behaviour and he was a pioneer <strong>within the</strong> field of psychology, thus removing the theories of demons and witchcraft <strong>related to</strong> these diseases <strong>within the</strong> Christian world. By the twelfth century Muslim physicians had produced many works: encyclopaedias, medical biographies, texts on medical ethics, and on specialist topics <strong>like</strong> ophthalmology. Ibn An-Nafīs contradicted the theories of blood circulation as <strong>advises</strong> by Galen. He advanced a theory of blood circulation between the compartments of <strong>the guts</strong> <strong>and also the</strong> lungs, and of <strong>circulation</strong> or lesser circulation. In 1553, three centuries later, a Spaniard Miguel Serveto (Michael Servetus) forwarded <strong>the same</strong> theory (Meyerhof, 1935). Ibn An-Nafīs’s theory from the thirteenth 394 Contributions of Islamic scholars to the scientific enterprise century was largely ignored. But he was among the initial precursors to Harvey’s scholarly work <strong>that exposed</strong> the circulation of blood <strong>within the</strong> <strong>anatomy</strong>. Muslims using their clinical and surgical knowledge established hospitals. These institutions were far superior to any that existed in <strong>earlier period</strong> or in lands beyond the Islamic Empire. In medieval Europe most hospitals were attached <strong>to spiritual</strong> orders and monasteries. <strong>within the</strong> Islamic world, during the eighth century <strong>the primary</strong> hospital was <strong>inbuilt</strong> Damascus; having separate wards for males and females, and special wards for internal diseases, surgery, orthopaedics and other diseases. These hospitals were to become models for hospitals as <strong>we all know</strong> them today (Turner, 1995). Important surgical treatises were written <strong>within the</strong> tenth <strong>and therefore the</strong> eleventh centuries in Andalusia by Abu’l-Qasim al-Zahrawi, known in Europe as Abulcais. His book Kitab al-Tasrif (Book of Concessions), a medical almanac, was translated into Latin and <strong>utilized by</strong> Muslims and in European medical schools. The twelfth century physician in Muslim Spain, Ibn Zuhr, <strong>referred to as</strong> Avenzoar, wrote works especially in anatomy that had <strong>an excellent</strong> influence on <strong>practice</strong> in medieval Europe. Thus <strong>within the</strong> medical field scholars from the Islamic world had much to contribute both in terms of working with ancient knowledge <strong>and thru</strong> <strong>the key</strong> developments of their own. Moreover, they verified their theories through careful observations <strong>within the</strong> hospitals that <strong>they&#x27;d</strong> established.</p>
  <p>Chemistry, Pharmacology and Pharmacy In chemistry, the works of Jaber ibn Haiyan and Al-Razi formed <strong>the idea</strong> <strong>of recent</strong> science. Jaber, know as Geber in Latin, described in his works the preparation <strong>of the many</strong> chemical substances: the sulphide of mercury, oxides and arsenic compounds. Al-Razi in his book Secret of Secrets know as Liber secretorum bubacaris, described the chemical processes and experiments he conducted. Hill (1993, p.83) has stated that Al-Razi’s book Secret of Secrets ‘foreshadows a laboratory manual’ it deals with substances, equipment and procedures. Muslim chemists developed recipes for products that had industrial and military applications. <strong>the invention</strong> of inorganic acids during chemical experiments had valuable industrial applications <strong>within the</strong> centuries that followed. <strong>within the</strong> fields of pharmacology and pharmacy Muslims made notable progress. These fields involved scientific investigation into the composition, dosages, uses and therapeutic effects <strong>of medication</strong>. Having translations of Dioscorides’ De Materis Medica, <strong>together with</strong> knowledge from Syria, Persia, India <strong>and therefore the</strong> <strong>Far East</strong>, Muslim scholars and physicians showed great innovative skills. They developed the procedures for the manufacture of syrups and juleps, and established apothecary shops (Turner, 1995). Ibn al-Baytar’s book Al-Jami‘fi al-Tibb (Collection <strong>of straightforward</strong> Diets and Drugs) contained detailed records of the plants <strong>within the</strong> lands along the length of the Mediterranean coast between Spain and Syria. <strong>additionally</strong>, he systematically compared <strong>this information</strong> <strong>thereupon</strong> of the scientists of previous eras. His book on botany was used until the Renaissance by Europeans. Mathematical Sciences The mathematical sciences as practised <strong>within the</strong> Islamic world during <strong>this era</strong> consisted of mathematics, algebra, and geometry <strong>still</strong> as mathematical geography, astronomy and optics. Muslims derived their theory of numbers (‘ilm al-a‘dad) in arithmetic from translations of the Greeks sources <strong>like</strong> Books VΙΙ through to ΙX of Euclid’s Elements <strong>and also the</strong> Introduction to the Science of Numbers by Nicomachus of Gerasa (Berggren, 1997). Moreover, they acquired numerals from India (Hindu) and possibly China and made their use widespread. Mohammad Bin Ahmed <strong>within the</strong> tenth century invented the concept of zero or sifr. Thus replacing the cumbersome Faruqi 395 Roman numerals and creating a revolution in mathematics (Badawi, 2002). This led to advances <strong>within the</strong> prediction of the movement of the planets and advances <strong>within the</strong> fields of astronomy and geography. Muslim mathematics had inherited both the Babylonian sexagecimal system <strong>and also the</strong> Indian (Hindu) <strong>decimal number system</strong>, and this provided <strong>the premise</strong> for numerical techniques in mathematic (Folkerts, 2001; Rajagopal, 1993). Muslims built mathematical models using the <strong>positional notation</strong>, expressing all numbers by means of ten symbols, <strong>and every</strong> symbol accorded <strong>the worth</strong> of position <strong>still</strong> as <strong>definite quantity</strong> (Kettani, 1976). Many creative methods of doing multiplications were developed by Muslims; methods of checking by casting out nines, and decimal fractions (Anawati, 1976). Thus Muslim scholars contributed and laid the foundations <strong>of contemporary</strong> mathematics <strong>and also the</strong> use of mathematics <strong>within the</strong> fields of science and engineering (Høyrup, 1987). Thabit bin Qurrah not only translated Greek works but also argued against and elaborated on the widely accepted views of Aristotle. In arithmetic there emerged the concept of irrational numbers with Islamic mathematicians <strong>ranging from</strong> a non-Euclidean concept. Both Umar Khayyam (1048- 1131) and Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (1201-1274) contributed to research on <strong>this idea</strong> which <strong>didn&#x27;t</strong> have its origins in Greek mathematics. Eastern Muslims derived numerals from Sanskrit-١‘٢‘٣‘٤‘٥‘٦‘٧‘٨ and ٩, <strong>and that they</strong> were <strong>the primary</strong> to develop <strong>the employment</strong> of the zero (sifr), written as 0 by the Western Muslims and ‘·’ by Eastern Muslims (Kettani, 1976, p.137). Whereas these Eastern Muslims had initially used the Arabic alphabets as numerals, by the ninth century Western Muslims had invented and replaced them with “al-arqam al-gubariyah-1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8 and 9-based on <strong>variety</strong> of angles <strong>up to</strong> <strong>the load</strong> <strong>of every</strong> symbol” (Kettani,1976, p.137). Thus the zero with the numerals made it possible for <strong>the easy</strong> expressions for numbers <strong>to own</strong> infinite values, thereby helping solve particular problems. Translations of mathematical treatise in Spain subsequently transferred <strong>this information</strong> to Europe. Al-Khwarizmi wrote <strong>the primary</strong> book of algebra, the word ‘algebra’ transliterates into the term aljabr. Al-jabr represents <strong>the 2</strong> basic operations <strong>utilized by</strong> al-Khwarizmi in solving quadratic equations. <strong>within the</strong> latter <strong>1/2</strong> the twelfth century, <strong>the primary</strong> <strong>a part of</strong> al-Khwarizmi’s Kitab al-Jabr wa al-Muqabalah was translated and made available in Europe (Kettani, 1976; Sarton, 1927). Another famous contributor <strong>to the present</strong> field was Umar Khayyam, who studied cubic equations and algebra came to be <strong>considered</strong> a science in its <strong>title</strong>. Subsequently in later centuries Italians took over his methods and extended them (Anawati, 1976). Thus the Muslims not only developed the methods of solving quadratic equations they also produced tables containing sine, cosine, cotangent and other trigonometrical values. Al-Battani (d.929) systematically developed trigonometry and extended it to <strong>trigonometry</strong> (Kettani, 1976; Sarton, 1927), with important consequences for astronomy, geography and exploration beyond the known world, thus making <strong>the development</strong> <strong>of higher</strong> maps <strong>and also the</strong> reconceptualisation of the structure of <strong>the earth</strong> Earth. Arabic geometry absorbed not only materials and methods of Euclid’s Elements but also the works of Apollonius and Archimedes. The book, On the Measurements of Planes and Spherical Figures, written on Archimedean problems by the three sons of Musa bin Shakir <strong>within the</strong> ninth century became known <strong>within the</strong> West through <strong>the interpretation</strong> by Gerard of Cremona. In seventeenth century Europe <strong>the issues</strong> formulated by <strong>physicist</strong> (965-1041) became <strong>called</strong> “Alhazen’s problem”. Again his work that was translated into Latin made Europeans <strong>conscious of</strong> alHaytham’s remarkable achievements <strong>within the</strong> field of Optics (Kitab al-Manazir) (Meyers, 1964, p.32). Among his works were included a theory of vision and a theory <strong>of sunshine</strong>, and was called by his successors of the twelfth century “Ptolemy the Second”. Furthermore by promoting <strong>the utilization</strong> of experiments in <strong>research</strong>, al-Haytham played <strong>a very important</strong> role in setting the scene in modern science (Rashed, 2002, p.773).</p>
  <p>Al-Haytham’s contributions to geometry and number theory went well beyond the Archimedean tradition. Al-Haytham also worked on <strong>geometry</strong> <strong>and therefore the</strong> beginnings of the link between algebra and geometry. Subsequently, this work led in <strong>math</strong> to the harmonious fusion of algebra and geometry that was epitomised by Descartes in geometric analysis and by Newton <strong>within the</strong> calculus. Al-Haytham was a scientist who made major contributions to the fields of mathematics, physics and astronomy during the latter <strong>1/2</strong> the tenth century. John Peckham <strong>within the</strong> late-thirteenth century used al-Haytham’s Kitab al-Manazir and Witelo’s Optics too has echoes of Kitab al-Manazir. Witelo work was <strong>employed by</strong> <strong>Johannes Kepler</strong>. <strong>monk</strong>, the <strong>founding father of</strong> experimental science, probably used <strong>the first</strong> Arabic works of al-Haytham <strong>in addition</strong> as Latin translations (Meyers, 1964). Much work was under-taken by Islamic mathematicians regarding <strong>the speculation</strong> of parallels. This theory consisted of <strong>a gaggle</strong> of theorems whose proofs <strong>relied on</strong> Euclidean postulates. The Islamic mathematicians continued their research for over 500 years on these postulates <strong>so as</strong> <strong>to get</strong> proofs and not just the acceptance of them. However, after these problems were transmitted to Europe <strong>within the</strong> twelfth century, little further research was done until the sixteenth century. Muslim scholars contributed not only to <strong>the utilization</strong> of logic <strong>within the</strong> development of mathematical ideas and relationships, but also to a workable system of numeration that included zero and led to <strong>the answer</strong> of equations. Muslims had thus begun the work that led on to mathematical modelling and its application for <strong>the aim</strong> of testing their theories. <strong>this information</strong> and approach was slowly transferred to Europe through Spain and Sicily. Astronomy Muslim scholars considered astronomy <strong>in concert</strong> of the mathematical sciences. Muslims <strong>came upon</strong> ancient astronomical manuscripts and translated them into Arabic. They then undertook observations to verify the calculations in these scientific works. The Greek astronomer Ptolemy had developed an astronomical theory about the movements of the moon and planets; and had placed <strong>the planet</strong> at the centre of the universe. <strong>so as</strong> to <strong>atone for</strong> errors in observation he had attributed additional movements to the planets. Al-Khwarizmi was <strong>one amongst</strong> <strong>the primary</strong> scholars <strong>to supply</strong> <strong>a close</strong> astronomical table (zij). This astronomical table provided the means of calculating the positions of <strong>the celebrities</strong> and planets. Subsequently, each astronomer wrote his own zij, trying <strong>to form</strong> it more accurate than those prepared before (Beshore, 1998). Al-Farghani, <strong>within the</strong> ninth century wrote <strong>an in depth</strong> account of Ptolemy’s Almagest and his book was used throughout Europe and central Asia for <strong>the following</strong> 700 years (Beshore, 1998, p. 24). This work was the beginnings of the empirical verification of scientific ideas and relationships. Muslim philosophers and astronomers had inherited the Ptolemaic planetary system that hypothesised the principle of uniform circular motion allowing the planets <strong>to maneuver</strong> in epicycles. However, Muslim astronomers eventually came to reject this theory <strong>in this</strong> the epicyclic movement violated the principle of uniformity of motion. <strong>within the</strong> thirteenth century, Al-Tusi, a Persian astronomer <strong>advance</strong> his concept <strong>referred to as</strong> the “Tusi Couple”, a hypothetical model of “epicyclic motion that involves <strong>a mix</strong> of motions each of which was uniform with <strong>relation to</strong> its own center”(Turner, 1995, p.68). This model was applied by Ibn al-Shatir to the motions of the heavenly bodies <strong>within the</strong> fourteenth century. Ibn al-Shatir’s formulations were the beginnings of verifying theoretical astronomy through systematic observations. Ibn al-Shatir’s theory of lunar motion was very <strong>kind of like</strong> that attributed to Copernicus some 150 years later (Sabra, 2002). Currently researchers are investigating whether <strong>it had been</strong> possible, that Copernicus visiting the Vatican library in Rome had seen Ibn al-Shatir’s fourteenth century manuscript illustrating his concept of planetary motion (Saliba, 2002). <strong>the explanation</strong> for this supposition being a diagram in Copernicus’ Commentaries that was remarkable <strong>like</strong> Ibn alShatir’s schematic diagrams. Whereas Ibn al-Shatir’s concept of planetary motion was conceived Faruqi 397 <strong>so as</strong> to play <strong>a very important</strong> role in an earth-centred planetary model, Copernicus used <strong>the identical</strong> concept of motion to present his sun-centred planetary model. Thus <strong>the event</strong> <strong>of different</strong> models <strong>passed</strong> that permitted an empirical testing of the models. Whether there was a clearly identifiable connection between the works <strong>of those</strong> two men today remains unclear, but what <strong>has to</strong> be noted is that Muslim innovations in astronomical theory contributed to the historical development of astronomical science (Turner, 1995). The medieval astrolabe <strong>can be</strong> calibrated <strong>to be used</strong> at different geographical locations to calculate yearlong celestial time keeping data, and other astronomical information (Turner, 1995). These medieval astrolabes reached Europe <strong>within the</strong> late Middle Ages and were mentioned in many texts, and were included in an essay by <strong>poet</strong>. Celestial globes, astrolabes, quadrants, and sundials all evolved and developed in Islamic countries, and when the compass arrived <strong>within the</strong> Islamic lands, it too was adapted by the Muslims. However <strong>they will</strong> not have initiated <strong>the employment</strong> of the compass, because <strong>it&#x27;d</strong> seem the origins of <strong>the employment</strong> of the compass <strong>haven&#x27;t</strong> clearly been identified, <strong>and will</strong> have originated in China. Thus Muslim scholars worked <strong>all told</strong> major branches of astronomy: theoretical and computational planetary astronomy, spherical astronomy and time keeping, instrumentation, and folk astronomy. King (2004) did extensive research on Muslim instrumentation and stated that “medieval European instrumentation was highly indebted to the Islamic tradition, and now <strong>it&#x27;s</strong> clear only after ca.1550 did European instrument-makers make technical innovations that had not been known to Muslim astronomers previously” (King, 2004, p.47).</p>
  <p>FILTERING OF <strong>knowledge domain</strong> FROM THE ISLAMIC WORLD TO EUROPE The conquest of the Eastern Empire by the Arabs meant that Western Christendom was <strong>empty</strong> <strong>the most</strong> reservoir of Greek learning <strong>for hundreds of years</strong> by intolerance and mutual suspicion of opposing creeds, <strong>further</strong> <strong>because the</strong> breadth of the <strong>Mediterranean</strong> (Crombie, 1963). But as early <strong>because the</strong> end of the tenth century knowledge had began filtering from the Islamic world to the West. Thompson (1929) in his article “The Introduction of Arabic Science into Lorraine <strong>within the</strong> Tenth Century” discussed the question of Arabic science being introduced <strong>within the</strong> schools of Lorraine as early <strong>because the</strong> end of the tenth century and thereby into Latin Europe. Thus an intellectual avenue through Spain to Europe beyond the Pyrenees was opened by the expansion of the Islamic Empire across <strong>North Africa</strong>. Throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in Spain and Sicily, the transmission of <strong>knowledge domain</strong> continued with the establishment of an Arabic-Latin translation program. In Sicily after the Norman kingdom was established in 1060, its Latin, Greek and Muslim subjects lived <strong>in additional</strong> favourable conditions than those in Spain (Crombie, 1963) for <strong>the expansion</strong> of intercultural and intellectual exchange. Here the knowledge of antiquity was rediscovered in its original Greek versions <strong>and therefore the</strong> major developments recorded in Arabic that were subsequently translated into Latin (Burnett, 2001; Schramm: 2001), in corners of Europe <strong>before</strong> the Renaissance.</p>
  <p> DISCUSSION <strong>it&#x27;s</strong> been seen that <strong>the students</strong> working <strong>within the</strong> Islamic Empire spanning over three continents started <strong>within the</strong> beginning with <strong>the interpretation</strong> movement, <strong>still</strong> as creating <strong>the required</strong> language tools in Arabic for the translations of the works of the Greeks, Persians, Indians <strong>and every one</strong> ancient knowledge. But having acquired the knowledge they set about not only assimilating, testing and analysing, but also adding important and original contributions <strong>to it</strong> knowledge. Beginning from <strong>the tip</strong> of the tenth century <strong>this data</strong> began to filter back to Europe through the translations of Arabic versions of the Greek knowledge <strong>and also the</strong> original Greek treatises (Burnett, 2001). But also transferred to Europe were the seminal contributions <strong>of students</strong> of the Islamic world. Modern science as <strong>we all know</strong> it today works with theories and models <strong>that has got to</strong> be tested empirically, starting <strong>within the</strong> fields of mathematics, astronomy and medicine. The Muslims developed the procedures for testing knowledge both empirically and logically. However <strong>a very important</strong> characteristic of Islamic science was its experimental character. Islamic scientists were interested especially <strong>within the</strong> applied sciences, <strong>within the</strong> construction of apparatus, in testing theories by undertaking observations, and analysis of results through mathematics (Bammate, 1959). These ideas and procedures were all available in Western Europe through the seminal works of Islamic scholars before <strong>the days</strong> of Galileo, Descartes and Newton to whom <strong>they need</strong> been largely attributed.</p>
  <p> FUTURE RESEARCH While <strong>there&#x27;s</strong> currently research being <strong>allotted</strong> on <strong>the utilization</strong> of single works or the ideas and writings of individual authors, <strong>it&#x27;s</strong> too early to draw all possible conclusions. <strong>so as</strong> <strong>to create</strong> a comprehensive picture of both <strong>the interpretation</strong> processes, <strong>and also the</strong> transmission of <strong>knowledge base</strong> from <strong>Hellenic language</strong> libraries to the Islamic world, culminating <strong>within the</strong> eighth and ninth centuries (Sabra, 1996; Sabra, 1987) <strong>and also the</strong> subsequent translation and transmission of Islamic scholarly works to Europe during the twelfth to fourteenth centuries further scholarly work <strong>is required</strong>. Fortunately various collections of Arabic manuscripts are still preserved in European libraries. Further detailed investigations would help throw light on the critical role of Islamic scholarly works <strong>within the</strong> development of Renaissance Europe (Saliba, 1999). <strong>what&#x27;s</strong> important <strong>to notice</strong> is that the Islamic conception of God (Bausani, 1974) made possible <strong>a serious</strong> advance in scientific thinking during <strong>the amount</strong> of the eighth to the fifteenth centuries in Islamic lands, while Europe lay largely dormant during the <strong>Middle Ages</strong>. Developments would only appear <strong>to possess</strong> occurred in Europe where there was direct contact with Islamic knowledge in Spain and France, until <strong>the autumn</strong> of Constantinople in 1453. Thus the initial development <strong>of contemporary</strong> Science <strong>didn&#x27;t</strong> occur in Italy with the spectacular work of Galileo, but <strong>within the</strong> Islamic world several centuries earlier, where it slowly and gradually advanced in <strong>ways in which</strong> <strong>are</strong> largely ignored but scholars in Western Europe.</p>
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