Ma’rifatparvarlar diqqat markazida “xotunlar masalasi” || The ‘women’s question in the spotlight of the reformists

English 🇬🇧⏬👇
Turkistondagi mutaasiblar ayollarga ovoz berish huquqini berishga qat’iyan qarshi chiqdilar. Jadidlar uchun bu mutlaqo mantiqsiz edi, chunki bu holda ular millatning yarmi ovozidan voz kechayotgan bo‘lishar, demakki, hokimiyatni yevropaliklarga topshirishardi. Aslida, 1917-yil musulmon siyosatini belgilagan kelishmovchiliklardan biri aynan ayollar masalasi bo‘yicha bo‘lgan bahs edi. Abdulhay Tojiyev ismli juda yosh muallif tomonidan yozilgan, qizlar uchun maktablar zarurligini ta’kidlagan maqola ulamolarni ayollarni “noqis ul-aql” (aqlida nuqsoni bor) deb hisoblagani uchun tanqid qilgan edi. Javoban, Mullo Sayyid Maqsudxon Mahdum ismli bir kishi Tojiyevning bu iborani tanqid qilganidan qattiq g‘azablandi. Uning fikricha, bu ibora Qur’on va hadis asosida to‘liq o‘z isbotini topgan edi. “Ayolning har tomonlama nuqsonli ekani ilohiy oyatlar va Payg‘ambarning muborak sunnatlari bilan isbotlangan,” deb yozadi u. “Ma’nosini tushunmasdan, odobsiz va to‘qima so‘zlarni matbuotda yozish johillikning eng yuksak ko‘rinishi, hatto kufrga yaqin.” Natijada, ko‘plab hududlarda konservativlar g‘alaba qozondi va musulmon ayollarga ovoz berish taqiqlanib qo‘yildi. Shundan so‘ng, ayollarni millat uchun foydali a’zoga aylantirish masalasi Jadidlar uchun 1918-yilda Sovet hokimiyati tarkibiga kirgach muhim masalaga aylandi.

Bahs esa, ko‘plab musulmon mamlakatlaridagi kabi, asosan erkaklar doirasida yuritilgan va milliy o‘zlik hamda taraqqiyot nuqtai nazaridan baholangan edi. Jadidlar uchun ayollar masalasi millat masalasi edi. Inqilobdan oldingi va keyingi fikrlar orasida sezilarli darajada davomiylik bo‘lib, faqat shakllar o‘zgargan edi. “Zamon o‘zgardi,” deb yozadi mualliflardan biri, “endi erkaklar ma’lumotli ayollarni xohlaydi. Agar biz qizlarimizni o‘qitmasak, erkaklar rus ayollariga uylanadi va bu holat millat manfaatlariga zarar yetkazadi.” Millat taraqqiy etishi uchun ayollar o‘zgarishi kerak edi.

“Qanday qilib biz ayollarni ozod qilamiz?” degan edi Qayum Ramazon (O‘ktam) bir gazetada ritorik savol bilan. “Faqatgina paranji tashlash bilanmi? Shu bilan ayol ozod bo‘lib qoladimi? Yo‘q, ularning iqtisodiy ehtiyojlari hanuz erkaklar qo‘lida, ya’ni hokimiyat erkaklarda qolmoqda… Paranji masalasi ayollar huquqlari masalasidan farqli.” Agar ayollar iqtisodiy mustaqillikka erishsalar, ularning o‘zi paranji tashlaydi, deydi u. Aksincha, “Agar biz ayollarni majburlab chimmatlarini yechtirsak, foyda o‘rniga ortga qaytish bo‘ladi, hatto qonli to‘qnashuvlar yuz berishi mumkin.” …

English 🇬🇧:
Conservatives in Turkestan resolutely opposed allowing women to vote. For the Jadids, this was sheer madness, for all else aside, it meant disavowing half of the nation’s votes and thereby ceding power to the Europeans. Indeed, debate over the role of women had been one of the key catalysts of the discord that marked Muslim politics in 1917. An article by a very young Abdulhay Tojiyev asserting the need for schools for girls had criticized the ulama for deeming women to be “noqisot ul-aql”. In response, a certain Mullo Sayyid Maqsudxon Mahdum thundered with indignation at Tojiyev’s temerity in criticizing the phrase, for which the author found ample sanction in the Qur’an and hadith. Women’s “deficiency in all respects is proven,” he argued, “by divine verses and by the noble tradition of the Prophet. Writing vulgar and fictional words in periodicals without understanding their meaning is the height of ignorance” and bordering on infidelity, kufr. The conservatives triumphed, and in many places Muslim women were not allowed to vote. Making women useful members of the nation, therefore, became a key issue for the Jadids once they entered organs of Soviet power in 1918.

The debate that ensued remained, as in many other parts of the Muslim world, primarily a male discourse about national authenticity and progress. For the Jadids, the nation remained the prism through which the question of women was viewed, and there was remarkable continuity of argument across the revolutionary divide, although the twists were often new. Times have changed, argued one of the authors, and now men want educated wives; if we don’t educate our girls, men will marry Russian women and thus harm the interests of the nation. Women had to change if the nation was to progress.

“How are we to liberate women?” Qayum Ramazon (O′ktam) once asked rhetorically in a newspaper. “Simply by casting off the paranji? Will women be thus liberated? No, their economic needs are still in the hands of men, meaning that men still hold the reins. . . . The paranji question is different from the question of women’s rights.” If women find economic independence, he argued, they will abandon the paranji of their own accord. On the other hand, “If we unveil women by force, we will see setbacks rather than any good, and we will even encounter bloody conflict.”

Adib Xolidning “O’zbekiston tavalludi” kitobidan || From “Making Uzbekistan” by Adeeb Khalid.
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